Jason De León’s second book showcases his unwavering dedication to what he and his colleagues refer to as “deep hanging out.” As a distinguished UCLA professor and recipient of the MacArthur Foundation’s “genius” grant, De León immerses himself in the lives of individuals often dismissed as ruthless miscreants. While these individuals are commonly labeled as “coyotes” in mainstream media, De León argues that the term “guía,” meaning guide, better encapsulates their role.
Within the pages of De León’s book, he delves into the intricate world of young Latin Americans who lead groups of migrants towards the US-Mexico border, navigating through a landscape fraught with safehouses, smugglers’ abodes, and freight trains across Mexico and Central America. This diverse ensemble ranges from intimidating ex-convicts to more laid-back individuals in their twenties who opt for smuggling over meager-paying manual labor. The harsh realities of their profession are starkly evident, as one of De León’s subjects tragically succumbs to a stabbing incident in Honduras due to the inability to afford immediate medical treatment.
Acknowledging the societal stigma attached to these individuals, De León empathetically notes, “I completely understand that because of the nature of their work they are unlikable, if not outright detestable.” He emphasizes that these smugglers are driven by the systemic injustices perpetuated by capitalism and the disproportionate impact of climate change on the most vulnerable populations. The year 2020 witnessed the devastation wrought by two major hurricanes in Central America, displacing hundreds of thousands of impoverished individuals.
In a candid discussion from his residence in Los Angeles, De León sheds light on how he cultivates trust with his subjects, the indispensable role of smugglers for migrants, and the prevalent misconceptions surrounding undocumented immigration.
In the introduction of your book, you differentiate between a “human smuggler” and a “trafficker,” highlighting a key distinction overlooked by the media and the public. Can you elaborate on this difference?
The disparity lies in the voluntariness of the act—being smuggled versus being trafficked. While there exists an overlap where individuals initially consent to smuggling but end up trafficked, the intent is crucial. People may willingly engage in smuggling, but no one actively seeks out trafficking; it is often coerced.
What drives migrants to seek out smugglers, or guides, as they prefer to be called?
The evolving landscape of border security plays a pivotal role in migrants’ reliance on guides. A century ago, the necessity of a guide for migration varied, but with the implementation of the US policy “Prevention Through Deterrence” in the mid-1990s, crossing the border became significantly arduous. This policy intensified enforcement in densely populated border regions, compelling undocumented immigrants to traverse more remote and perilous routes. To surmount these formidable enforcement measures, migrants necessitate individuals well-versed in geography and possessing relevant contacts. Despite the multifaceted reasons fueling migration—be it economic motives or climate change impacts—the response from affluent nations has been to fortify borders. However, the innate drive for migration persists, necessitating avenues for border crossing.
What is the profile of individuals who assume the role of guides, ranging from gang members to those fleeing from gang influence, as depicted in your book?
The spectrum of guide personas is extensive. While the common perception may depict guides as criminal masterminds, the reality encompasses desperate individuals seeking financial gain. Some may have prior experience in the US and acquaintances with established routes. As criminal organizations increasingly levy taxes on migrants, the demand for smugglers escalates. Previously, it operated as a grassroots enterprise, with individuals facilitating passage through personal networks. However, the surge in violence has prompted gang members with specialized skills to engage in smuggling—a notable shift. Two decades ago, entrusting a hardcore gang member to facilitate border crossing would have been unthinkable.
You narrate the story of an individual in your book who earned a meager income clearing brush but found financial solace and a sense of control as a guide. Can you elaborate on this allure of smuggling?
The appeal lies in the empowerment experienced by individuals transitioning into the role of guides. Many long-term guides exhibit astuteness, albeit struggling to translate their skills into legitimate ventures. Regrettably, their proficiency fails to align with conventional employment opportunities.
What are the typical earnings of individuals engaged in smuggling operations, and what challenges do they encounter in this line of work?
Earnings vary, with some guides potentially earning $10,000 monthly under optimal conditions. However, the reality often entails meager returns, ranging from a few hundred to a couple of thousand dollars, factoring in the precarious nature of the job. The income stream fluctuates significantly, fostering a perception of financial prosperity that belies the arduous hours invested.
Several guides expressed a preference for stable employment and tranquil lives, citing the absence of viable alternatives. Do you find merit in their assertions?
A dichotomy exists among guides, with some harboring aspirations for gainful employment in the US, where remuneration surpasses earnings in Honduras or analogous regions. Conversely, certain individuals exhibit a prolonged affinity for the smuggling trade, eschewing conventional employment. This subset may struggle to assimilate into societal norms, with their maladjustment inadvertently fostering success in alternative realms. For instance, Kingston, a prominent figure in the narrative, reflects on his life trajectory, acknowledging the inevitability of his current circumstances.
Kingston’s narrative unfolds prominently in your book, portraying his involuntary enlistment in the Honduran military at a tender age. Can you elaborate on his background and the influences shaping his trajectory towards smuggling?
Kingston’s journey epitomizes a life marred by aggression, stemming from his coerced military service at the age of 14. Despite intermittent attempts to embrace a lawful path, a series of setbacks and self-sabotage impede his progress. The narrative underscores the challenges faced by individuals attempting to extricate themselves from illicit activities, often encountering resistance from entrenched networks. Once ensnared in such a milieu, escape becomes increasingly elusive.
How do you establish trust with individuals like Kingston, assuring them of your benign intentions as a mere observer?
Building trust necessitates a substantial investment of time—an inherent challenge in ethnographic pursuits. Revisiting the community after an initial engagement conveys sincerity and dispels apprehensions regarding ulterior motives. The concept of “deep hanging out” entails enduring periods of tedium, a surprising revelation within the realm of smuggling. Oftentimes, interactions entail mundane activities like listening to music and awaiting developments. This patience underscores a genuine interest in understanding their world, dispelling any misgivings regarding hidden agendas.
Despite occasional monotony, your work entails inherent risks. How do you navigate the complexities of mental well-being and physical safety, especially in light of tragic incidents like the murder of an acquaintance?
While physical peril was infrequent due to the trust cultivated with my associates, the unanticipated toll on mental health emerged as a significant challenge. The introspective journey prompted by this book compelled a return to therapy, unearthing personal vulnerabilities and confronting dark recesses of the psyche. Despite the emotional strain, this process culminated in newfound contentment and emotional equilibrium, underscoring the transformative power of introspection.
Your upbringing in a military family, characterized by frequent relocations, likely influenced your career path in anthropology. How did these formative experiences shape your affinity for cultural exploration?
The nomadic lifestyle ingrained during my upbringing engendered a dual inclination towards solitude and communal engagement. The profound sense of isolation stemming from perpetual transitions fostered a deep-seated desire for human connection. Notably, individuals with similar backgrounds, such as military dependents, diplomats, or missionaries, often gravitate towards anthropology, embodying a comfort in navigating diverse cultural terrains.
What prevalent misconceptions surrounding migration do you aim to dispel, and what critical insights should inform public discourse on this complex issue?
A fundamental misconception pertains to the fallacy of halting migration—a nuanced phenomenon necessitating comprehensive understanding rather than containment at border junctures. Redirecting resources from border fortification towards nuanced dialogue and holistic comprehension of migration dynamics is imperative. The futility of extensive border infrastructure underscores the imperative of acknowledging the enduring allure of undocumented labor in the US—a facet often overlooked by the public. Furthermore, confronting the inevitability of migration amidst climate change and socioeconomic disparities mandates a paradigm shift towards sustainable and compassionate approaches, transcending conventional border-centric solutions.